Jonathan Kramnick.  Making the English Canon:

Print Capitalism and the Cultural Past, 1700-1770.

Cambridge: Cambridge U P, 1998.

 

Summary by Sarah K. Wilson

 

Introduction: the modernity of the past

 

              Kramnick claims that the canon came into existence in the middle of the 18th century.  He is referring to the literary canon in terms of a set of classic, acclaimed texts; he is not discussing the evolution of the canon in schools.  He claims that there were many social reasons (particulatly the issue of “print capitalism”) which precipitated canonization and expresses his intentions to develop these theories: “The commerce in books did not just foster discussion of matters of taste; it led also to a mordant concern about the dissemination of literary goods.  The opening of culture for a nation of consumers joined with the seclusion of older works in a clerisy of experts.  These developments were, I argue, importantly modern and set the terms for literary study as we know it” (Kramnick 6).  He makes clear his position on the literary canon: “By treating the English canon less as a timeless achievement of a lithesome antiquity than as a symbolic product of the modern age, this book does take an implicit stand in the canon debate, such as it still preoccupies the academy today” (9).

 

Chapter 1: The structural transformation of literary history

 

              Before the mid-18th-century, literature was evaluated by modern standards.  It was chosen by its modernity.  This was based on the dominant thought that literature was steadily progressing in quality with time (15).  But around mid century, this idea shifted to one of quite the opposite -- one that venerated ancient texts over modern ones and that evaluated modern literature based on classic standards. 

              Kramnick claims that this shift was brought about by the commerce of literature which boomed in the 18th century.  Addison and Steele’s Spectator is an example of literary magazine which brought avant garde art to a public level and opened the scope of literature and refined the public’s taste (22). In order to make texts truly marketable on a large scale, the text must be easily understood by the general public.  This started a distinction between popular literature and “art” (28).  It ushered in the thinking that Bourdieu discusses which holds that the value of art is “inversely proportional to exchange value” (34).  With this, then, critics started to think of modern literature as popular literature and look to old texts for good literature which precipitates the canon.   Mirroring the change of literary philosophy is the change in the word “literature” itself (45).  Once an inclusive term for “’good books’” now means “’imagination’” which elevated poetry to the top of imaginative literature.

 

Chapter 2: The mode of consecration: between aesthetics and historicism

 

              Critics like Shaftesbury promoted disinterested aesthetics as the means by which works should be evaluated; this necessarily decreases the importance of the author (59).  Addison’s Spectator was meant to assume the spectator, disinterested role, further promoting this type of literary evaluation (60).  Critics like Shaftesbury believed that recognizing aesthetics was a sign of taste (65).  Critics Cooper and Kames follow Shaftesbury; Kames believes taste is judged by “’common nature,’” by universal standards of evaluation (82). 

              With new attention to ancient texts (as discussed in chapter 1), it was acknowledged that special training was necessary to understand these texts and literary historicism became an important part of criticism (85).  In mid century also (sparked by Theobald’s and Upton’s editions of Shakespeare), English texts came to receive the same treatment as ancient texts by historicists which led largely to canonization (91).  Theobald’s and Upton’s works were particularly significant because they explicitely refrained from “fixing” the texts as others before them had done (92).

              Together, then, the rise of aestheticism and historicism in the middle of the 18th century set the stage for canonization (104).

 

Chapter 3: Novel to lyric: Shakespeare in the field of culture, 1752-1754

 

              William Dodd’s book The Beauties of Shakespeare marks the rise of the belief in Shakespeare as  “the national poet” (107).  Dodd claims that Shakespeare is great because he is beautiful, imaginative, and sublime (108).  With this publication, “Shakespeare becomes synonomous with literature” itself (113).  Dodd elevates Shakespeare’s literary qualities; at the same time, Shakespeare is commercially profitable, further confirming his place in the literary canon of the time (115).

              Charlotte Lennox created a translation of Shakespeare entitled Shakespeare Illustrated that explored the plays and the novels which inspired them (116).  Lennox esteemed the novels more than the plays based on the paradigm that fiction should develop an “efficient unfolding of the narrative and the believable delineation of character” which, in her view, the novels achieved more effectively (116-17).  This created an awkward situation for literary critics who deeply admired Shakespeare.  The result: “Saving Shakespeare and the national canon requires demoting the novel on the very terms of Lennox’s criticism” (126).

              The same year that Lennox’s edition was published, Samuel Johnson asked Joseph Warton to write essays on Shakespeare (129).  In his essays, Warton elevates Shakespeare’s use of “Fancy” -- which in turn created a respect for modern poets of fancy, including Warton himself (131).  Warton further admires the poetry of Shakespeare and denounces its overuse in public conversation.  In doing so, he “defines the social mission of the canon” as a means of providing cultural capital (136).

 

Chapter 4: The cultural logic of late feudalism: or, Spenser and the romance of scholarship, 1754-1762.

             

              With value now on the writers of the past and with criticism a popular field (as discussed in Chapter 1), Spenser gained popularity in the middle of the 18th century (138).  His archaic language provided material for critics and his age provided value to the work as a “classic” (138).  Warton led this move to elevate Spenser.  He evaluated Spenser in terms of the era in which he lived and not in terms of criteria used to evaluate ancient or modern writers (145-46).  Thus, Spenser earned greatness as a writer of romances, the popular genre of the pre-modern era (189).

              William Huggins, however, took a stand against Warton’s critical techniques, particularly Warton’s value of the past (154, 161).  Another critic, John Upton, followed claiming Spenser was a good writer even on classical terms.  According to Upton, The Faerie Queen was in fact an epic and thus Spenser should be categorized as a great poet (164). 

              Critic Richard Hurd looked at Spencer again in his 1762 publication Letters on Chivalry and Romance (168).  In his estimation, Spenser was a great poet because of his “feudal consciousness” and his use of the sublime (179).  He makes the distinction that The Faerie Queen was not a novel and argues that prose work is not worthy of canonization where poetry is (186). 

              The work of these four critics secured Spenser’s canonical value and provide an intersting mirror to devlopments in 18th century criticism.

 

Chapter 5: Shakespeare’s nation: the literary profession and the “shades of ages”

 

              Samuel Johnson was an influential critic of the 18th century.  He believed that nostalgia, the sublime, and the obscure were not plausible criteria for determining the canon (197).  Instead, Johnson said that criteria should be poetry’s ability to speak to many people in many locations, to speak generally and not individually and thus to last through time (198-99).  If a canon ranks literature by this criteria, there is necessarily a gap between publication and canonization (202).  Also, if a canon ranks literature by this criteria, Shakespeare is again elevated to the top because “Shakespeare is the icon of a national community moving across the arch of historical time.  We are allied in the pleasure we share in reading Shakespeare, and, of equal importance, we are like past ages of readers who are also like us.  The symmetrical coupling of taste provides Shakespeare’s canonical value” (207).  Judging a work on longevity, however, assumes that there is a universal, “human,” idea of good literature which creates a sense of nationalism (208) and which puts the public (by buying certain works and not others) in control of the canon (210).

              Critic William Kenrick criticized Shakespeare and asserted that the public should not determine the canon (210, 212).  Kenrick said Johnson was wrong in his estimation of Shakespeare’s greatness because the latter used morality as a criteria of canonization; Kenrick argues morality should be kept separate from literary evaluation (212).

              Elizabeth Montagu wrote an essay defending Shakespeare as a greater author than the French writers or the ancient ones (227).  This further promoted the idea that modern poetry is not as valuable as past works (227).  Montagu’s essay is important for another reason as well.  She writes of not the historic and the aesthetic, but of the human and the national superstition (234).  This change reflects a change in criticism and therefore a change in consecration (and a nice point for Kramnick to end his analysis) (235).

 

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